If the first phase of the global rug trade began when Oriental carpets started infiltrating European society in the 13th century, the second phase occurred when the carpets came to the New World at the turn of the 20th century. For the last eight centuries, the hierarchy of carpet styles has remained intact allowing very few other styles from outlying regions to penetrate the ranks.
Moroccan rugs, for instance, have rarely been sought after and have never been valued in the same way as Oriental rugs. Needless to say, Morocco’s departure from traditional weaving styles is a reflection of its unique cultural heritage and as such, should add value to the carpets.
Unlike the first phase of the global rug trade, which grew slowly in power and prominence over the span of many centuries, the second phase unfurled rapidly over the course of only a few decades. One factor that contributed to the rapid expansion of the global rug trade was the transition from land-based trade routes to the advent and predominance of global shipping routes via steam ship. This gave rise to European naval empires whose access to distant rug producing nations was unparalleled.
It was only a matter of time before the classical Oriental carpets made popular in Europe during the Renaissance period were brought over to the New World. Oriental carpets first appeared in the United States in 1893 at the Persian Pavilion of Chicago’s World Fair. The timing was impeccable; not only was there an established maritime trade that would ferry rugs from the East, but there was also a favorable world economy that fueled the trade of luxury goods. The speed and efficiency of steam ship travel leant itself to a higher supply of products with a quicker turnaround time between continents.
New York in the early 1900s was filled with wealthy industrial magnates looking to fill their coffers with riches that proved their worldliness and sophistication. Early New York collectors included the likes of the Vanderbilts, Rockefellers, Tiffanys, Fricks, and Morgans, who all sought out the same types of Classical carpets 1 that graced the homes of Europe’s aristocrats. These tycoons quickly took on the role of “collector,” engaging themselves in the standard rug trade transactions with a growing class of New York rug dealers.
At this point, little was known about the rugs and their place of provenance. Instead, they were traded in the New York markets as a luxury commodity. The stories circulating about where these carpets came from became myths that were more intricately woven than the carpets themselves. . Early on, dealers realized that their carpets had more selling power if they were cloaked in mystery, and if the weavers were portrayed as exotic nomads from distant lands. The late 19th century to 1910 marked the glory days of the New York carpet trade. Oriental rugs arrived in New York from ‘eastern lands’, dealers spun tales about the pieces, and wealthy New York aristocrats bought the carpets in droves.
During the same period, a smaller group of men decided to branch out from the established collector/dealer duality and form their own informal rug society. These men had also fallen under the spell of the carpets, however, they were unable to afford the exorbitant prices for the pieces on the New York carpet market. Not to be deterred, these men met regularly in order to talk in depth about the few rugs they already owned and the rugs they wanted to buy.
In essence, these men took on the role, first of hobbyists and enthusiasts, then of collectors. In this way, they set themselves apart by their commitment to expanding the breadth of Oriental carpets , a fact that distinguished them from other collectors of the time. What began as informal meetings among rug enthusiasts soon coalesced into the Hajji Baba Club whose mission was to promote the knowledge and appreciation of Oriental carpets as art.
While their path to rug collecting was circuitous, it was always based in their scholarship of the carpets and their expertise in the craft. Early Hajji Baba Club meetings were spent closely studying the rugs, “both reflecting the earlier trend of scholar-collectors and furthering it by changing how we view the rugs today: not merely as decorative items but important cultural artifacts that can also be admired for their artistic quality.”
Ultimately it was because of their studies and
because they were unable to afford the steep prices of the Classical carpets that these men deviated from the norm and began to collect other types of rugs. The rugs they bought were not the highly popularized Oriental carpets from the stately imperial cities of the Middle East and Persia. Instead they were tribal rugs from small villages representing the cultures of nomadic people. The Hajji Baba’s choice to invest in these lesser-known carpets was risky in a business sense, but groundbreaking on an artistic level.
On the business side, the Hajjis were not instantly rewarded for their brash choice in rugs. They were often spurned by well known rug connoisseurs and dealers of the time who considered the rugs they were amassing to be uncollectable. The rugs they began to collect had no historical foundation within the western context and thus had no value within the larger market. With no hope of financial backing, these men were instead motivated by the conviction that these rugs were pieces of art, and as such should be studied, appreciated and collected.
Similar to the carpet trade during the Renaissance period, where there is art, commerce soon follows. Essentially, it was no different with the Hajji Babas. By cataloging the art of the carpets and educating the public about these different styles, they were able to effectively create a market for their 19th century tribal carpets.
Over time, the Hajji’s tribal carpets gained traction in the New York market and joined the ranks of the classical, Oriental Carpets as collector’s items. Through their tenacity and clarity of vision, these men set the stage for the future of rug collecting in the United States.
The legacy of the Hajji Babas is incomparable; what these men accomplished for carpet scholarship is unsurpassable. Because of their efforts, no longer was collecting a dichotomous market dominated by dealers and collectors. The Hajjis helped form the singular role of the scholar/collector/tastemaker, into one singular role. Through this, these men were able to effectively create a market by instilling value in an untapped carpet aesthetic.
Because of these achievements, I look to the Hajjis for inspiration. I hope to do for Moroccan rugs through Kantara what these men accomplished for their nineteenth century carpets. In other words, by promoting the authenticity and artistic beauty of previously ignored pieces, I hope to do as the Hajjis did and push carpet studies and carpet collecting in brand new directions.
But there are certain things about the Hajji Baba Club that make me uneasy, both in the original composition of the group, and in what the group has become. For one, to say that the Hajji Baba Club was, and is, an old boys club would be an understatement. The group actively barred women from joining the ranks on the basis that “women did not have the correct attitude towards Oriental rugs.” 2
Ironically, this flies in the face of the fact that most of the artisans responsible for weaving Oriental rugs are women. Nevertheless, this attitude prevailed to the point where the wives of Hajjis were made to enter through separate entrances when there were special Club events. The charter was revised in 1956 to allow women to serve as members, but the original intention of the Hajjis remains clear.
The other issue that troubles me is that these men set off to challenge the status quo by creating a market for carpets that was as yet unknown to the masses. Their original raison d’être was to promote rugs, both new and old, that came from all regions. Upon his first purchase, Joseph McMullan, a founding Hajji member and author of the book Rugs from the East for Homes from the West realized that “a late date did not mean that the rugs were degenerate,” 3 and instead urged carpet connoisseurs to expand their collections to include the lesser-known varieties.
Ultimately the carpets these men promoted became the new commodity both in social position and price. While these men were able to effectuate a change in buying patterns of luxury carpets at the time, the carpet market has been impermeable to other carpet styles ever since. Moreover, these men who were game-changers at the time, have now come to represent the new aristocracy of rug collectors and tastemakers.
Thanks to the efforts of the Hajji Babas, by the mid 20th century most carpet varieties from the Levant and the Caucuses were well known both in Europe and the United States. Within the context of the two periods of development of the global rug trade, however, it is remarkable to note that there was little to no mention of Moroccan rugs. Unfortunately, it would not be until the 1980s when Moroccan rugs would make their debut within the American rug trade.
In 1980 the Textile Museum mounted the first American exhibition featuring Moroccan rugs. The exhibit catalog, From the Far West: Carpets and Textiles of Morocco, was the first definitive work on the subject of Moroccan rugs made for an English-speaking audience. 4
In the prologue of the book, retired Counselor of the Moroccan Embassy, Robert H. Behrens claims that it is a “historic irony that today Morocco is a relatively unknown cultural entity to many Americans.” 5 At a time when rugs from Iran and Turkey had long since become common cultural tropes and the Hajjis had solidified their position as the leading authority on Oriental Carpets, Moroccan textiles had not even entered the scene.
Moroccan weavings, like other styles, are based on ancient tribal boundaries. Each tribal region boasts its own style that is either flat-weave , hand-knotted or a mixture of the two.Some of the designs involve repetitive bands of geometric symbols, while other rugs are impressionistic canvasses of asymmetrical designs. While Morocco has always had a diverse array of weaving styles, over the past century, as carpet prices have plummeted, artisans have begun to streamline their weaving process by cutting out key steps that add value and character to their carpets.
Most of these shortcuts were inspired by the need to find cheaper and less laborious options for their weaving. As the Moroccan weavers began to compete in the global rug market it became clear that their rugs would never fetch the same price as an Oriental carpet would, despite the beauty and artistry of the design. Since the women artisans were rarely compensated adequately for their time, creativity, and labor, they began to shift their purpose from cultural to commercial production.
The carpets became less about ancient visual stories that told a tale about tribal identities and more about a craft that could be produced in high volumes and sold to an uninformed consumer base. Those outside buyers, metaphorically and literally, would not speak the same language as the carpets and their producers.
By monetizing their carpets, the weavers steadily and irrevocably changed their industry. Certain elements that at one point added value and complexity to a carpet were abandoned for the more modern alternative; these forgotten processes include the use of naturally dyed wool, hand-spun wool, and woolen warps. Because of time and money constraints, most artisans now choose to weave carpets with warps that are made of bleached-white cotton and wefts that are made of wool that was machine spun and chemically dyed.
Despite all the changes that have occurred within the industry, Western expectations have remained the same. We still pine after the ideal set forth by the archetypal Oriental Carpet. When Western society subscribed to the myth of the Oriental carpet, we posthumously lumped Morocco together with the rest of the Middle East expecting the same sort of rug to emerge and dazzle the senses. Nevertheless, Morocco’s weaving style is informed by its diverse history and culture and as such differs significantly from those Oriental styles that were made famous by the wealthy European elite during the Renaissance period.
Thus as Moroccan rugs were originally marginalized because of their late entrance into the established rug trade, Moroccan weavers currently struggle with a crisis of identity as they experiment with both modern materials and with attempts at weaving styles that are popular in the West.
Unfortunately, the way the rug trade currently operates, Moroccan rugs are still subjected to fickle fashion trends and collector’s whims. In recent years two styles have emerged from Morocco that have made it to the top of interior design trends—the Boucherouites and the Beni Ouarain style.
The Beni Ouarain carpets represent a small tribal area to the east of Fes. Their carpets feature a thick pile made of undyed white sheep’s wool, which is criss-crossed by large geometric patterns in black or brown sheep’s wool. These patterns are impromtu and asymmetrical yet fill the carpets in their entirety.
While it is encouraging to see Moroccan rugs enter the lexicon of carpet collectors, it is still frustrating to see an entire country’s weaving capability boiled down to just two styles, which represent a mere fraction of the dozen weaving styles that are found in Morocco.
This distillation of styles has occurred to the detriment of the craft of weaving on a whole—if weaving in Morocco and throughout the world is to survive past our generation, we must alter our perceptions of hand-woven carpets and what is worth collecting. Furthermore, we must put value back into newly produced carpets as that is the only way to ensure the survival of the craft.
Once we succeed at this, we will have entered the third phase of the rug trade which does away with antiquated notions of what is ‘collectible,’ and instead values a carpet based on its ability to sustain a nation’s weaving legacy.
Through my business Kantara, I have taken a lesson from the founding members of the Hajji Babas and have committed myself to spreading both knowledge and appreciation for the artistry of lesser-known Moroccan weaving styles. Through this, I hope to once again expand the field of carpet collecting to accommodate diverse Moroccan styles and thus do my part to preserve a woven cultural heritage that is on the verge of extinction.
Alia Kate is the founder of Kantara, founded 2008, a fair trade rug importing business that sources hand woven rugs directly from women artisans in rural areas of Morocco. She graduated from Oberlin College and worked in Morocco for a private consulting firm. She currently lives and works from Brooklyn, NY.
1. Classical Carpets refer to the styles of Oriental carpets that were collected throughout the Renaissance period; these include Ottoman, Persian, and Moghul.
2. Farnham, Thomas. “Rugs in the City—Seventy Five Years of the Hajji Baba Club of New York.” Argument of Arthur Gale, a founding club member.
3. History of the Hajji Baba Club.
http://www.hajji75.org/ClubHistory.html
4. The only publication on Moroccan rugs that predates this Textile Museum catalog is a study conducted by Prosper Ricardin 1952 called Corpus des Tapis Marocains.
5. From the Far West: Carpets and Textiles of Morocco (1980).
Moroccan rugs, for instance, have rarely been sought after and have never been valued in the same way as Oriental rugs. Needless to say, Morocco’s departure from traditional weaving styles is a reflection of its unique cultural heritage and as such, should add value to the carpets.
Unlike the first phase of the global rug trade, which grew slowly in power and prominence over the span of many centuries, the second phase unfurled rapidly over the course of only a few decades. One factor that contributed to the rapid expansion of the global rug trade was the transition from land-based trade routes to the advent and predominance of global shipping routes via steam ship. This gave rise to European naval empires whose access to distant rug producing nations was unparalleled.
It was only a matter of time before the classical Oriental carpets made popular in Europe during the Renaissance period were brought over to the New World. Oriental carpets first appeared in the United States in 1893 at the Persian Pavilion of Chicago’s World Fair. The timing was impeccable; not only was there an established maritime trade that would ferry rugs from the East, but there was also a favorable world economy that fueled the trade of luxury goods. The speed and efficiency of steam ship travel leant itself to a higher supply of products with a quicker turnaround time between continents.
New York in the early 1900s was filled with wealthy industrial magnates looking to fill their coffers with riches that proved their worldliness and sophistication. Early New York collectors included the likes of the Vanderbilts, Rockefellers, Tiffanys, Fricks, and Morgans, who all sought out the same types of Classical carpets 1 that graced the homes of Europe’s aristocrats. These tycoons quickly took on the role of “collector,” engaging themselves in the standard rug trade transactions with a growing class of New York rug dealers.
At this point, little was known about the rugs and their place of provenance. Instead, they were traded in the New York markets as a luxury commodity. The stories circulating about where these carpets came from became myths that were more intricately woven than the carpets themselves. . Early on, dealers realized that their carpets had more selling power if they were cloaked in mystery, and if the weavers were portrayed as exotic nomads from distant lands. The late 19th century to 1910 marked the glory days of the New York carpet trade. Oriental rugs arrived in New York from ‘eastern lands’, dealers spun tales about the pieces, and wealthy New York aristocrats bought the carpets in droves.
During the same period, a smaller group of men decided to branch out from the established collector/dealer duality and form their own informal rug society. These men had also fallen under the spell of the carpets, however, they were unable to afford the exorbitant prices for the pieces on the New York carpet market. Not to be deterred, these men met regularly in order to talk in depth about the few rugs they already owned and the rugs they wanted to buy.
In essence, these men took on the role, first of hobbyists and enthusiasts, then of collectors. In this way, they set themselves apart by their commitment to expanding the breadth of Oriental carpets , a fact that distinguished them from other collectors of the time. What began as informal meetings among rug enthusiasts soon coalesced into the Hajji Baba Club whose mission was to promote the knowledge and appreciation of Oriental carpets as art.
While their path to rug collecting was circuitous, it was always based in their scholarship of the carpets and their expertise in the craft. Early Hajji Baba Club meetings were spent closely studying the rugs, “both reflecting the earlier trend of scholar-collectors and furthering it by changing how we view the rugs today: not merely as decorative items but important cultural artifacts that can also be admired for their artistic quality.”
Ultimately it was because of their studies and
because they were unable to afford the steep prices of the Classical carpets that these men deviated from the norm and began to collect other types of rugs. The rugs they bought were not the highly popularized Oriental carpets from the stately imperial cities of the Middle East and Persia. Instead they were tribal rugs from small villages representing the cultures of nomadic people. The Hajji Baba’s choice to invest in these lesser-known carpets was risky in a business sense, but groundbreaking on an artistic level.
On the business side, the Hajjis were not instantly rewarded for their brash choice in rugs. They were often spurned by well known rug connoisseurs and dealers of the time who considered the rugs they were amassing to be uncollectable. The rugs they began to collect had no historical foundation within the western context and thus had no value within the larger market. With no hope of financial backing, these men were instead motivated by the conviction that these rugs were pieces of art, and as such should be studied, appreciated and collected.
Similar to the carpet trade during the Renaissance period, where there is art, commerce soon follows. Essentially, it was no different with the Hajji Babas. By cataloging the art of the carpets and educating the public about these different styles, they were able to effectively create a market for their 19th century tribal carpets.
Over time, the Hajji’s tribal carpets gained traction in the New York market and joined the ranks of the classical, Oriental Carpets as collector’s items. Through their tenacity and clarity of vision, these men set the stage for the future of rug collecting in the United States.
The legacy of the Hajji Babas is incomparable; what these men accomplished for carpet scholarship is unsurpassable. Because of their efforts, no longer was collecting a dichotomous market dominated by dealers and collectors. The Hajjis helped form the singular role of the scholar/collector/tastemaker, into one singular role. Through this, these men were able to effectively create a market by instilling value in an untapped carpet aesthetic.
Because of these achievements, I look to the Hajjis for inspiration. I hope to do for Moroccan rugs through Kantara what these men accomplished for their nineteenth century carpets. In other words, by promoting the authenticity and artistic beauty of previously ignored pieces, I hope to do as the Hajjis did and push carpet studies and carpet collecting in brand new directions.
Thanks to the efforts of the Hajji Babas, by the mid 20th century most carpet varieties from the Levant and the Caucuses were well known both in Europe and the United States.
But there are certain things about the Hajji Baba Club that make me uneasy, both in the original composition of the group, and in what the group has become. For one, to say that the Hajji Baba Club was, and is, an old boys club would be an understatement. The group actively barred women from joining the ranks on the basis that “women did not have the correct attitude towards Oriental rugs.” 2
Ironically, this flies in the face of the fact that most of the artisans responsible for weaving Oriental rugs are women. Nevertheless, this attitude prevailed to the point where the wives of Hajjis were made to enter through separate entrances when there were special Club events. The charter was revised in 1956 to allow women to serve as members, but the original intention of the Hajjis remains clear.
The other issue that troubles me is that these men set off to challenge the status quo by creating a market for carpets that was as yet unknown to the masses. Their original raison d’être was to promote rugs, both new and old, that came from all regions. Upon his first purchase, Joseph McMullan, a founding Hajji member and author of the book Rugs from the East for Homes from the West realized that “a late date did not mean that the rugs were degenerate,” 3 and instead urged carpet connoisseurs to expand their collections to include the lesser-known varieties.
Ultimately the carpets these men promoted became the new commodity both in social position and price. While these men were able to effectuate a change in buying patterns of luxury carpets at the time, the carpet market has been impermeable to other carpet styles ever since. Moreover, these men who were game-changers at the time, have now come to represent the new aristocracy of rug collectors and tastemakers.
Thanks to the efforts of the Hajji Babas, by the mid 20th century most carpet varieties from the Levant and the Caucuses were well known both in Europe and the United States. Within the context of the two periods of development of the global rug trade, however, it is remarkable to note that there was little to no mention of Moroccan rugs. Unfortunately, it would not be until the 1980s when Moroccan rugs would make their debut within the American rug trade.
In 1980 the Textile Museum mounted the first American exhibition featuring Moroccan rugs. The exhibit catalog, From the Far West: Carpets and Textiles of Morocco, was the first definitive work on the subject of Moroccan rugs made for an English-speaking audience. 4
In the prologue of the book, retired Counselor of the Moroccan Embassy, Robert H. Behrens claims that it is a “historic irony that today Morocco is a relatively unknown cultural entity to many Americans.” 5 At a time when rugs from Iran and Turkey had long since become common cultural tropes and the Hajjis had solidified their position as the leading authority on Oriental Carpets, Moroccan textiles had not even entered the scene.
Moroccan weavings, like other styles, are based on ancient tribal boundaries. Each tribal region boasts its own style that is either flat-weave , hand-knotted or a mixture of the two.Some of the designs involve repetitive bands of geometric symbols, while other rugs are impressionistic canvasses of asymmetrical designs. While Morocco has always had a diverse array of weaving styles, over the past century, as carpet prices have plummeted, artisans have begun to streamline their weaving process by cutting out key steps that add value and character to their carpets.
Most of these shortcuts were inspired by the need to find cheaper and less laborious options for their weaving. As the Moroccan weavers began to compete in the global rug market it became clear that their rugs would never fetch the same price as an Oriental carpet would, despite the beauty and artistry of the design. Since the women artisans were rarely compensated adequately for their time, creativity, and labor, they began to shift their purpose from cultural to commercial production.
The carpets became less about ancient visual stories that told a tale about tribal identities and more about a craft that could be produced in high volumes and sold to an uninformed consumer base. Those outside buyers, metaphorically and literally, would not speak the same language as the carpets and their producers.
By monetizing their carpets, the weavers steadily and irrevocably changed their industry. Certain elements that at one point added value and complexity to a carpet were abandoned for the more modern alternative; these forgotten processes include the use of naturally dyed wool, hand-spun wool, and woolen warps. Because of time and money constraints, most artisans now choose to weave carpets with warps that are made of bleached-white cotton and wefts that are made of wool that was machine spun and chemically dyed.
Despite all the changes that have occurred within the industry, Western expectations have remained the same. We still pine after the ideal set forth by the archetypal Oriental Carpet. When Western society subscribed to the myth of the Oriental carpet, we posthumously lumped Morocco together with the rest of the Middle East expecting the same sort of rug to emerge and dazzle the senses. Nevertheless, Morocco’s weaving style is informed by its diverse history and culture and as such differs significantly from those Oriental styles that were made famous by the wealthy European elite during the Renaissance period.
Thus as Moroccan rugs were originally marginalized because of their late entrance into the established rug trade, Moroccan weavers currently struggle with a crisis of identity as they experiment with both modern materials and with attempts at weaving styles that are popular in the West.
Unfortunately, the way the rug trade currently operates, Moroccan rugs are still subjected to fickle fashion trends and collector’s whims. In recent years two styles have emerged from Morocco that have made it to the top of interior design trends—the Boucherouites and the Beni Ouarain style.
The Beni Ouarain carpets represent a small tribal area to the east of Fes. Their carpets feature a thick pile made of undyed white sheep’s wool, which is criss-crossed by large geometric patterns in black or brown sheep’s wool. These patterns are impromtu and asymmetrical yet fill the carpets in their entirety.
While it is encouraging to see Moroccan rugs enter the lexicon of carpet collectors, it is still frustrating to see an entire country’s weaving capability boiled down to just two styles, which represent a mere fraction of the dozen weaving styles that are found in Morocco.
This distillation of styles has occurred to the detriment of the craft of weaving on a whole—if weaving in Morocco and throughout the world is to survive past our generation, we must alter our perceptions of hand-woven carpets and what is worth collecting. Furthermore, we must put value back into newly produced carpets as that is the only way to ensure the survival of the craft.
Once we succeed at this, we will have entered the third phase of the rug trade which does away with antiquated notions of what is ‘collectible,’ and instead values a carpet based on its ability to sustain a nation’s weaving legacy.
Through my business Kantara, I have taken a lesson from the founding members of the Hajji Babas and have committed myself to spreading both knowledge and appreciation for the artistry of lesser-known Moroccan weaving styles. Through this, I hope to once again expand the field of carpet collecting to accommodate diverse Moroccan styles and thus do my part to preserve a woven cultural heritage that is on the verge of extinction.
***
Alia Kate is the founder of Kantara, founded 2008, a fair trade rug importing business that sources hand woven rugs directly from women artisans in rural areas of Morocco. She graduated from Oberlin College and worked in Morocco for a private consulting firm. She currently lives and works from Brooklyn, NY.
***
1. Classical Carpets refer to the styles of Oriental carpets that were collected throughout the Renaissance period; these include Ottoman, Persian, and Moghul.
2. Farnham, Thomas. “Rugs in the City—Seventy Five Years of the Hajji Baba Club of New York.” Argument of Arthur Gale, a founding club member.
3. History of the Hajji Baba Club.
http://www.hajji75.org/ClubHistory.html
4. The only publication on Moroccan rugs that predates this Textile Museum catalog is a study conducted by Prosper Ricardin 1952 called Corpus des Tapis Marocains.
5. From the Far West: Carpets and Textiles of Morocco (1980).